About the Author(s)


Kojo Okyere Email symbol
Department of Religion and Human Values, Faculty of Arts, University of Cape Coast, Cape Coast, Ghana

Department of Research Institute for Theology and Religion, University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa

Citation


Okyere, K., 2026, ‘Wisdom for governance: A dialogue between Proverbs 25–29 and contemporary Ghana’, Integrated Biblical and Theological Studies 2(1), a8. https://doi.org/10.4102/ibts.v2i1.8

Original Research

Wisdom for governance: A dialogue between Proverbs 25–29 and contemporary Ghana

Kojo Okyere

Received: 15 Apr. 2025; Accepted: 06 Nov. 2025; Published: 03 Feb. 2026

Copyright: © 2026. The Author. Licensee: AOSIS.
This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).

Abstract

The critical role of leadership in national development is widely acknowledged, yet leaders themselves emerge from and are shaped by their societal context. This dynamic evokes the philosophical assertion that virtuous governance is contingent upon a virtuous populace, problematising the question of whether a society’s fate is primarily carved by its leaders or its people. While Greco-Roman antiquity offers a well-documented lineage of political philosophy, this study turns to the wisdom literature of ancient Israel as a similarly rich yet underexplored repository of reflection on governance. Focusing on the book of Proverbs, this paper argues that its collected sayings offer timeless insights into the symbiotic relationship between leadership ethics and civic character. It analyses selected proverbs to construct a framework for evaluating the modern challenges of governance, demonstrating the text’s enduring relevance for contemporary national development.

Contribution: This study exegetically analyses selected Proverbs (25–29) to construct an ethical leadership framework. Placing these principles in dialogue with Ghana’s governance challenges, it demonstrates how ancient wisdom literature can inform contemporary understandings of leadership’s critical role in fostering accountability and effective governance in the Ghanaian context.

Keywords: Proverbs; governance; justice; leadership; king; political; ethics.

Introduction

Let me state from the outset that my intention in this article is not to prove that the sages of the selected sayings in Proverbs harboured the understanding of good governance as we understand it today. Rather, I believe there are ideas and presuppositions in the reasoning of the sages that resonate with our experiences and understanding of good governance. It is the possibilities of shared common human experiences despite the differences in time and space that lead me to explore how their understandings can illuminate our ideas as we (Africans) continue to grapple with good governance. In Africa, the question of good governance is critical in the face of increasing corruption, maladministration, poor accountability and a lack of transparency; arguably, good governance is elusive (Onyekachi 2013).

The discourse on governance in Africa, and Ghana specifically, is characterised by vigorous scholarly and public debate. This discourse often coalesces around a dyadic structure concerning the primary locus of change. One predominant school of thought advocates a top-down approach, arguing that the fundamental challenges of governance stem from deficient leadership. From this perspective, national renewal is contingent upon installing competent and virtuous leaders who can steer the state towards effective service delivery and accountability. A contrasting, bottom-up school posits that leadership is ultimately a reflection of the broader societal character. Consequently, sustainable transformation is only achievable through a fundamental shift in the attitudes and ethical commitments of the citizenry, from which improved leadership will naturally emerge. The wisdom tradition in the book of Proverbs, originating from a monarchic context where the king was the central pillar of governance, inherently aligns with the top-down paradigm, emphasising the decisive role of righteous leadership in establishing a just and stable political order. While the leadership qualities of the king in the Book of Proverbs have been extensively studied, the underlying philosophy of governance remains a critical yet under-examined dimension. This article argues that Proverbs 25–29 encode a distinct vision of governance, distinct from personal leadership, which emphasises systemic integrity, principled decision-making, and the delivery of social good. By extracting these governance principles from the text’s qualitative admonitions, this study will construct a proverbial framework for governance and evaluate its relevance for addressing contemporary governance challenges in Ghana.

It is essential to clarify that this study does not posit an equivalence between the socio-political structures of ancient Israel and modern Ghana. The monarchical, theocratic context of Israel is fundamentally different and incommensurate with Ghana’s contemporary democratic republic. The analysis, therefore, proceeds not from a historical or institutional comparison, but through the lens of theological ethics. From this perspective, as scholars such as Brueggemann (2007:455) affirm, there exist significant points of convergence in foundational principles of leadership and authority. This approach aligns with Fischer’s (2015:179) methodological assertion that ancient texts provide a valuable site for dialogue, allowing modern readers to engage with timeless struggles of governance that resonate across millennia, despite vast contextual differences.

The central thesis of this article is that the wisdom corpus of Proverbs 25–29 provides a robust ethical framework that critically dialogues with the governance challenges in modern Ghana. This dialogue will demonstrate how the proverbs’ emphasis on righteous leadership, judicial integrity, fiscal justice and truthful counsel serves as a diagnostic lens to analyse specific Ghanaian issues such as corruption, abuse of power and weak institutional accountability. Ultimately, the article argues that these ancient principles, while not offering direct policy prescriptions, present enduring normative standards that can inform the character and conduct required for sustainable good governance in Ghana.

Methodological considerations

This study employs an interdisciplinary methodology to facilitate a structured dialogue between the ancient wisdom of Proverbs and contemporary governance in Ghana. The process begins with an examination of the concept of ‘good governance’ with the goal of distilling the principles of good governance from bad governance. Next is textual selection, where I analyse Proverbs 25–29, with specific sayings selected for their direct relevance to themes of leadership and governance. Next is exegetical analysis of the selected proverbs using literary-critical tools, with attention to poetic parallelism, key terminology and their context within the Israelite monarchy, in dialogue with established scholarly commentaries. The insights from exegesis are organised under two heuristic themes: Preventing Corruption and Ensuring Justice, and Ensuring Political Stability. Finally, a hermeneutical Dialogue takes place where the ethical principles derived from the text are placed in critical conversation with documented governance challenges in Ghana, assessing their normative value for informing current practice.

This inter-contextual application, while fruitful, is not without its inherent limitations. The primary risk lies in the historical and structural incommensurability between the monarchic, theocratic context of ancient Israel and Ghana’s modern secular democracy. This necessitates that I avoid false equivalence or anachronism by imposing modern governance concepts onto the ancient text. Furthermore, the heuristic framing of selected proverbs under contemporary themes is an analytical construct that, while necessary, may oversimplify the original, nuanced purpose of the sayings. Crucially, I acknowledge that the proverbs offer potent normative principles for ethical leadership but fall short of providing specific policy prescriptions for a complex nation-state. Therefore, this study is presented not as a direct blueprint for governance, but as a critical ethical dialogue where ancient wisdom illuminates enduring principles that must be thoughtfully translated into modern institutional and social contexts.

Good governance and its challenges

Good governance is a difficult concept to define because of its extensive use across different disciplines. An English word derived from Latin (gubernare) and Greek (kubernan) terms, ‘governance’ initially was an administrative and political term. It has, however, crossed fields into various disciplines, notably development studies, economics and business management. As a result, many definitions exist for the concept. According to Vymětal (2007), two connotative meanings of the term can be derived from many of the definitions; firstly, as the state of being governed, and secondly, as the process of being governed. The first emphasises the who, the whom, and the what of governance, as it is interested in the result of the process. This approach places a premium on government and the hierarchical coordination modes (Vymětal 2007). The second meaning focuses on the act and the process of governance. Here, scholars understand governance from the ‘precondition of governing’ perspective. Although both points of view are interconnected, Vymětal (2007:8) explains that recent conceptualisations of governance appear to shift towards the latter. I present next the definition by the World Bank, which informs the basis of my reflections on the concept of good governance:

Governance consists of the traditions and institutions by which authority in a country is exercised. This includes (1) the process by which governments are selected, monitored and replaced; (2) the capacity of the government to effectively formulate and implement sound policies; and (3) the respect of citizens and the state for the institutions that govern economic and social interactions among them. (Kufmann, Kraay & Mastruzzi 2007)

Reflecting on the above definitions and others, Keeping (2018) observes four main principles:

[G]overnance is not a set of rules or an activity, but a process; the process of governance is not based on control, but on coordination; it involves both public and private sectors; it is not a formal institution, but continuing interaction. (p. 3)

To add to his observation is that governance will almost always entail the exercise of authority to respond to the needs of the people.

According to Vymětal, the focus on governance as a process and precondition may account for the qualification of the concept with terms such as ‘good’, ‘responsible’ and ‘accountable’. ‘Good’ as a qualifier gives an evaluative definition of governance, hinting that there can also be bad governance. In Africa, discussions on good governance often contain two main ingredients: how individuals assume power and how the power is exercised for the general good. The former puts good governance under the umbrella of democracy (Wani 2014). Good governance is therefore the systems and processes that guarantee efficient and effective democratic governance. The latter situates good governance in the outcomes of exercising power, thus it is understood as the management of resources effectively and efficiently to respond to the needs of the people (Onigbinnde 2007). While this separation is artificial and helpful as a definition strategy, the truth is that good governance can only be achieved when the two are in sync.

Unfortunately, in many African societies, one rarely sees good governance as conceived above in practice, and a plethora of reasons have been provided. Wani (2014), for instance, lists the following as challenges of good governance in Africa: poverty, corruption, bad leaders, conflict and denial of human rights. He argues that Africa can only become a shining and prosperous place when all stakeholders commit to good governance. For Seteolu, a leading challenge in the case of Nigeria is leadership. Seteolu (2004) writes:

The political elites is not a productive class, but rely on the control of state structures to access economic rewards … Rather than pursue political contest within ideological frameworks, politics became a contested terrain for shallow, self-centered political gains. (p. 6)

Political leadership always emerges as a leading challenge because it frames the other challenges. In the view of Afegbua and Adejunwon (2012:149), although there are other challenges to good governance, ‘these are traceable in the consciousness to political leadership deficiencies’. A corollary to political leadership is corruption, another formidable obstacle to good governance. Sub-Saharan African countries have persistently performed poorly in the Corruption Perception Index (CPI), which is a global ranking of perceived levels of corruption within the public sector (Schoeberlein 2020). Corruption hinders good governance by promoting indiscipline in society, neglect of the rule of law, and poor growth and development (Odeh 2015:304).

Governance in ancient Israelite society

This article situates its analysis within the monarchic era of ancient Israel, utilising the king and his court as the essential socio-political context for the selected proverbs. This period marked a significant transition from a tribal confederacy to a centralised state where ultimate authority was vested in a single ruler. While David is widely considered the first true monarch, establishing a durable dynasty, the institution itself incorporated a notable populist dimension from its inception. The selections of both Saul and David involved a combination of divine designation and popular acclamation (1 Sm 10:17–24), indicating that public consent was an integral, although not always determinative, component of royal legitimacy. Even Solomon’s accession, while orchestrated by the court, involved a public presentation that secured implicit popular endorsement (1 Ki 1:38–40). This historical context reveals a governance model where concentrated royal power was, in principle, balanced by a foundational expectation of communal acceptance.

Transfer of power during the monarchy was mainly through hereditary succession. David again is the first to have achieved this governance structure, but when the kingdom was divided into two, the south continued with the hereditary succession while the north struggled with it. The entire governance process was not completely different from what existed in the pre-monarchic times. However, new institutions were introduced by David and, particularly, Solomon. The latter is credited for the intensification of monarchic governance structures, such as the setting up of a bureaucratic system, which aided in the centralisation of power in the monarchy.

The king was a ruler who had authority over his subjects; however, this authority was not exercised arbitrarily. As De Boer and Van Duin (1991) observe, the emergence of kingship in ancient Israel was religiously framed, as a result, the king was a representative of Yahweh (Dt 17:14–20). He will be chosen by Yahweh and is expected to observe the covenant and laws of Yahweh, as well as rule with justice and righteousness. Several limitations were placed on the king, such as the number of wives and horses he could have. As the Lord’s chosen, the king had a divine unction that placed on him a special responsibility to act to uphold certain religious ideals, which had implications for the well-being of the society.

Other institutions operated alongside the monarchy, which shaped the governance system. One such institution is the prophets. Prophets were messengers of God in Israel. They carried God’s message to the people and the leaders of the society, including the king. Elazar explains that while the king held executive powers, they were limited by the mediating role of the prophets through God’s word. He writes, ‘the prophets functioned to direct and restrict kingly action and powers’ (ed. Elazar 1991:37). This, in some cases, led to tension between the two institutions of monarch and prophecy.

Reading selected sayings in Proverbs 25–29

The Book of Proverbs functions as a repository of collective wisdom, distilling generational experience for the moral and practical instruction of subsequent generations, a dynamic vividly portrayed in the introductory lectures of Proverbs 1–9. This analysis focuses specifically on the fifth collection, Proverbs 25–29, for three primary reasons. Firstly, its historical superscription (Pr 25:1) directly links it to the royal court of King Hezekiah, suggesting a provenance concerned with statecraft and the education of court officials. Secondly, a thematic examination confirms this focus, revealing a uniquely high concentration of sayings addressing the king, his courtiers and the exercise of power (e.g. 25:2–7; 28:2, 15–16; 29:4, 12, 14). Finally, the collection systematically engages with core governance concepts, including the ethical wielding of authority, judicial integrity, the eradication of bureaucratic corruption and the prerequisites for political stability.

Consequently, this corpus is interpreted not as a general anthology of wisdom, but as a targeted reflection on the principles and pathologies of political rule. Methodologically, while acknowledging scholarly insights into the potential clustering of sayings, this study treats the selected proverbs as independent units for thematic extraction. These sayings were purposefully selected and analysed for their relevance to two overarching themes that frame the paper’s understanding of governance: firstly, as a system for ensuring justice and preventing corruption, and secondly, as a means of securing political stability. This structured approach facilitates a focused dialogue between these ancient principles and the modern governance challenges in Ghana.

Good governance as preventing corruption, delivering social good, ensuring justice and fairness(Pr 25:2–3; 29:12, 14)

The idea of corruption in ancient Israel can be inferred from the Hebrew word šāḥat, which means to destroy or ruin (Holladay 1971:366). In the ancient Israelite society, corruption took many forms, but the most prominent form perhaps was the abuse of the poor by the elite, including the king. Israelite elite used many ways to appropriate for themselves properties of the poor, including making the poor indebted and selling off their properties. On the other hand, justice is one of the chief responsibilities of Israelite kings. Israelite kings had to judge justly. Aitken (2001:212) comments, ‘For Israel’s sages, the marks of kingly wisdom were, above all, the perceptiveness and the integrity with which the king upheld the cause of justice’. As the supreme judge of the land, the king received people who came to him in search of justice. The term justice is normally paired with the term righteousness, and the twin concepts reveal the need for social and economic equity within the Israelite society.

Proverbs 25:2–3:

The glory of God is to hide a thing, but the glory of kings is to search out a thing (v. 2)

The heavens for height, and the earth for depth, so the heart of kings are unsearchable (v. 3)

Verse 2 relays the close relationship between God and king, affirming the Israelite belief that the king is Yahweh’s agent on earth. Synonymous and antithetical parallelism are used by the sage to both connect and separate the two subjects. Synonymous parallelism is realised in the use of the word glory in both cola: the glory of God and the glory of kings. But the nature of God sets him apart from human kings. The sage reveals this through the antithetical use of the verbs hide (sātar) and search (ḥāqar). While it is the nature of God to be mysterious, inscrutable and beyond human comprehension, the same cannot be said of humans, especially kings; their role is to seek out things. As Reyburn and Fry (2000) indicates:

There are two ways of understanding search things out. This may mean that kings ‘examine things’ or that ‘they bring things to light’, that is, they explain, reveal, or show how things are. (p. 541)

Similar to ancient Near East cosmology, the gods were fundamentally mysterious. Their counsels and decisions were hidden in the divine realm (Brown 2014:85–85; Clifford 1999:220–221). The ‘glory’ or majestic nature of a god was to possess this hidden knowledge. The human king, however, was not to mimic this divine secrecy. His primary duty was to investigate matters, whether legal disputes, administrative policies or natural phenomena, to establish order, justice and truth on earth (Longman III 2006:449–450).

Key to this saying is the duty assigned to earthly rulers: unlike God, who conceals, they must discern and make clear things for the benefit of their society. In ideologies such as the Egyptian concept of Ma’at or the Mesopotamian role of the king as the shepherd and agent of the gods, the king’s glory was associated with his practical wisdom (Austel 1988:28–29; Currid 1997:135–139). It is suicidal for a state to have its policies obscure and to have its members unsure and ignorant of state policies and decisions. It was the responsibility of kings to rightly ‘discern and to make clear debatable points in jurisprudence, and in general, on the ground of careful inquiry, investigation and consultation, to issue commands and to shape political ordinances’ (Lange et al. 2008:215). We see this in King Solomon’s prayer when he requests God to give him ‘an understanding mind to govern your people, able to discern between good and evil; for who can govern this your great people’ (NRSV 1 Ki 3:7–9). The wisdom as espoused here may be likened to the principle of transparency. Good governance thrives in a system of open and understandable rules and a flow of information.

The apparent contradiction between Proverbs 25:2 and 25:3 is resolved when understood as complementary facets of statecraft. While verse 2 prescribes the king’s public duty to investigate and clarify matters, verse 3 addresses the strategic inscrutability necessary for effective rule. This is not an endorsement of obscurity but a recognition of political reality. As Ehlke (2001:248) observes, the inner counsels of rulers are often opaque. Garrett (1993:205) further suggests this prescriptive; a ruler must avoid total predictability to maintain authority and strategic advantage. Thus, effective leadership navigates a tension: it must be transparent in its pursuit of justice yet discreet in its deliberative processes. Ultimately, the vision and direction for society, essential for good governance, require a leader who can balance public clarity with the necessary discretion that prevents their strategies from being undermined.

Proverbs 25:4–5:

Take away the dross from the silver, and the smith has material for a vessel (v. 4)

take away the wicked from the presence of the king, and his throne will be established in righteousness (v. 5)

This saying employs a powerful metaphor from metallurgy to articulate a fundamental principle of ancient Near Eastern statecraft: the purity of the royal court is the foundation of stable and righteous rule. The analogy is direct and intentional. Just as a silversmith must remove the sînîm (dross), the impurities that make silver brittle and flawed, to create a vessel of value and utility, so must a king actively remove the rāšā‘ (the wicked) from his court to ensure his reign is durable and just. The repetition of the verb hānô (to take away) tightly binds these two actions, presenting the purging of corrupt courtiers not as a mere political option but as a necessary, skilled process akin to a craft.

This concern for a purified administration was a cornerstone of royal ideology across the ANE. In Egypt, the concept of Maat required the Pharaoh to uphold harmony by opposing Isfet (chaos and falsehood). Corrupt officials who perverted justice for personal gain were agents of Isfet, and their removal was a sacred royal duty (Hornung 1982:213–215; Lichtheim 1976:101). Similarly, Mesopotamian texts, such as the advice to a prince in the ‘Counsels of Wisdom’, warn against keeping a wicked companion, stating that such a man ‘for his own advantage [will] slander you’ (Lambert 1960:101). Courtiers such as Nehemiah under Artaxerxes or Joseph under Pharaoh were idealised because their loyalty and wisdom directly contributed to the empire’s stability and prosperity. Conversely, wicked courtiers – those who spread slander, accepted bribes or plotted for their own advancement – were seen as a direct threat to the throne itself. They corrupted the flow of honest counsel, undermined the king’s authority and perverted justice, particularly against the poor who lacked other protectors.

The consequence of this necessary purification, as stated in verse 5, is that the king’s throne becomes established in righteousness (ṣedeq). The term kûn (to be established, firm, secure) conveys more than mere political longevity; it signifies a dynasty founded on a legitimate and enduring moral order. As Waltke notes, this action secures the dynasty. In the ANE worldview, a king’s righteousness was not a private virtue but a public and cosmic necessity. A reign characterised by ṣedeq – right ruling that upheld social order and protected the vulnerable – was believed to enjoy divine favour and, consequently, political stability. The proverb, therefore, moves beyond simple analogy to present a causal, almost mechanistic, principle of governance: the deliberate and skilful removal of corrupt influences from the centre of power is the essential precondition for achieving a reign that is both lasting and legitimate in the eyes of both God and the people. The silversmith’s vessel is the king’s established throne, and the quality of both is determined by the rigour with which impurities are purged.

Proverbs 29:12, 14:

A ruler who listens to a word of deception, all his ministers will be wicked (v. 12)

A king judging truly the poor, his throne is forever established (v. 14)

The two sayings emphasise the principles of equity and justice, conveying through nuanced rhetoric that these principles are essential for good governance. The first, verse 12, exhibits synthetic parallelism, where the second colon completes the thought of the first. A dyadic relationship governs both cola: ruler (mošēl) and deceptioneqer); minister (šārat) and wicked (rāšā’). There are two ways to interpret this saying: either the ruler is corrupt by nature, and his ministers, recognising this weakness, take advantage by spreading lies, or the ministers compete for the ruler’s favour by telling lies to please their master. However, what is key in this saying, despite the two perspectives, is the ruler’s responsibility to ensure that truth prevails by implementing a no-lie-tolerance policy and removing false ministers from his government. As Waltke (2005:440) observes, a court full of lies characterises a crumbling kingdom, as all essential ingredients (such as fairness, openness, and equity) for steering society towards its goals are compromised.

Verse 14 dovetails into verse 12 to explain why rulers should not entertain falsehoods; the poor suffer. A king is a ruler for all, the rich and poor, the old and young, the city dweller and the countryman. But the sage appears to isolate the vulnerable as deserving more attention than the others, because often they are forgotten and left on their own. This is one area where the king needs ministers who communicate truthfully and accurately. The key verb in the saying judgingôfēt) is not to be understood in its strict legal sense. As Okyere (2015:125) points out, justice in ancient Israel referred to maintaining fidelity in relationships as well as respecting the rights, which each human person is entitled to. In this context, Fox (2009:839) explains that the king judges the poor by ‘giving them justice, defending their rights and securing their mišpaṭ, their due, what is justly theirs’. Ensuring justice for the poor only inures to the benefit of the king, because there is a danger lurking when the poor are continuously ignored. Ehlke (2001:291) points this out as follows, ‘When the poor can’t take any more oppression, they eventually rise up against unjust rulers and overthrow them’.

Good governance to ensure political stability (Pr 28:2; 29:4, 16)

The Israelite transition to monarchy was fundamentally driven by a crisis of political instability, as articulated in 1 Samuel 8. The tribal confederacy proved inadequate against emerging military and administrative threats, creating a vacuum that a centralised monarchy promised to fill. Beyond mere defense, the king was institutionalised as the ultimate guarantor of national order – the linchpin of a stable society where communal life and economic pursuits could flourish. The proverbs in this section directly address this foundational mandate. They conceptualise political stability not as a passive condition, but as the direct product of effective governance, where the character and actions of the king and his officials are the primary variables determining the nation’s safety and progress.

Proverbs 28:2:

When a land transgresses it has many rulers

But with men of understanding and knowledge its stability will long continue1

The first line links two actions: the transgression of a land and the emergence of many rulers. The association is one of cause and effect. Transgression of a land (bəfeša’ ‘ereṣ) refers to some kind of disobedience among a people within a governed territory (Waltke 2005). Fox (2009) understands the phrase as ‘widespread, systemic violations of law’ while Waltke (2005) construes it as the breakdown in relations between Yahweh and the people, which leads to political chaos. A political fallout from the persistent misconduct and crime in the state is the ‘multiplication of controlling officials’ (Murphy 2002:214). And this is what the sage is worried about. Many rulers competing with each other is never a good thing for the people. We see this play out in the northern Kingdom, Israel, where the lack of a dominant dynasty led to several killings and disruptions in the lives of the people, and as Waltke (2005:408) indicates, an Arabic proverb curses as, ‘May God make your sheiks many’.

The second line of the saying provides some form of contrast, although an uneasy one, and when carefully observed it appears the primary concern of the sage is the political stability a wise and knowledgeable ruler offers. What is unclear in this saying is why the people become rebellious. But I agree with Waltke (2005:408) when he posits that ‘The imprecise juxtaposition between a willfully rebellious citizenry with a discerning leader implies that the country lacks a capable leader who distinguishes right from wrong’. It appears that the sage leans towards the position that leaders should influence the citizenry. In other words, the responsibility of a stable society lies with the leaders who need to demonstrate acumen in their management of the state.

29:4, 16:

By justice a king gives stability to the land, but one who makes heavy exactions ruins it (v. 4)

When the wicked are in authority, transgression increases, but the righteous will look upon their downfall (v. 16)

The two sayings here affirm the imperative need for a leader who is knowledgeable and wise in his governance to ensure political stability. Verse 4 underscores the essential role of the king in maintaining a stable and prosperous state. The key principle here is justice (mišpat), a term which resonated within ancient Near Eastern cultures where the idea of an ideal ruler is never separated from the principle of justice and righteousness. Justice ensures that all manner of people in society are treated equally without favouritism, and laws are applied even-handedly. A king who ensures this principle oscillates within his state is rewarded with political stability. Although the saying does not explain how this is possible, one can appreciate the association between justice and political stability, and one clear instance is that such a ruler enjoys the overwhelming support of his people.

On the contrary, a king who fails to rule with justice brings down his kingdom as the second colon of verse 4 indicates. There are several difficulties in this part of the saying. One has to do with whether the subject of the first colon, king, is the same referred to in the second as exacting gifts. I side with scholars who hold the view that the two are separate. Thus, the one exacting gifts can be construed here as a minister or official of the king as Waltke (2005) also concurs. The second is the meaning assigned to the Hebrew word tərûmôt, a cultic term that refers to contributions made at worship centres. Meanings assigned for the term include taxes, excessive taxes, brides, etc. But as Van Leeuwen argues, in this context, the term likely refers to ‘the government’s misuse of income (perhaps intended for the sanctuary?) in a way that compromises its responsibility to do justice’ (Fox 2009:835). The saying, therefore, encourages kings to be mindful of their officials ‘who give and take bribes … within his realm that successfully attack his kingdom and bring it to its knees’ (Waltke 2005:433).

V. 16 introduces another twist on how a state can descend into chaos. Once again, the vitality or otherwise of the state is laid at the doorstep of those who assume leadership role; but the sage is explicit in his qualification of those who are directly responsible for the failures of the state. They are the wicked (rəšā‘îm) who commit to wrongdoing because that is their nature. Importantly, they are on the increase, and this is what is worrying for the society. However, the sage appears hopeful as he relays in the second colon the downfall of the wicked as the righteous look on. Perdue (2000) understands this as the unjust reigning and eventually being overthrown because the people can no longer bear their actions. However, there is no indication of how the fall of the wicked will be achieved in the saying, although we may be encouraged to apply the mathematical principle inherent in the first line for the second as well. This way, an increase of righteous people is crucial in reversing the state’s fortunes. For Waltke, the saying cautions righteous people to work hard and prevent wickedness from gaining root in society, especially in the corridors of power. What is important in this saying is that there is a role reserved for the righteous for the progress or otherwise of the state.

Conclusion: Implications for good governance in Ghana

It is not far-fetched to suggest that one of the central goals of a society is to ensure the well-being of the people. Lombard (2021) explains well-being as ‘a sense … of how a society may best function as a relatively peaceful whole, given its constituencies and adversaries’. A key idea in this definition is how society functions, which can be linked to governance. The well-being of a society thus revolves around the processes, structures and institutions that guide, shape, reward and punish people to ensure the continuity of the society. The sayings above show that several principles had to shape how the monarchy, with its head as the king, should manage the society to ensure the good of all. The discussion below will isolate some of these principles and explore how they apply to good governance in Ghana. Critical engagement with the sayings reveals that these principles include transparency, the oversight responsibility of leadership, fair treatment, prioritising the weak and the involvement of the citizenry. All these are key tenets that characterise good governance.

Firstly, good governance thrives when the principle of transparency is upheld. Transparency requires that the provision of information and openness characterises government business. Although Ghana has made important strides in its democratic credentials, scholars believe that there is still a lot to do in the areas of transparency and accountability. For instance, the 2014 Afrobarometer report states, ‘Ghana has consistently improved on measures of civil and political rights, but they still suffer from high levels of corruption and low levels of transparency’ (Armah-Attoh, Ampratwum & Paller 2014). This gap reflects Niebuhr’s (1932) realism about collective sin, warning that power corrupts and necessitates institutional accountability. From this public theology perspective, Proverbs 25:2 is not merely practical advice but a theological imperative for leaders to embody God’s light, countering secrecy’s corruption. Such an approach, echoing African theologian Mbiti’s (1990) emphasis on community, communicates respect for the people and creates the opportunity for their genuine participation in building society.

Secondly, the aforementioned statements suggest that effective leadership is fundamentally rooted in the king’s duty of oversight. In Ghana, the constitution gives so much power to the president. As Bewel, Bediako and Agyei (2022) puts it, Ghana’s constitution makes the president an imperial president. They explain further:

The 1992 Constitution of Ghana confers on the President enormous powers exercisable by himself or through authorised agents. The President swims in power and plays a primary role in the appointment of almost all institutional heads either created by the Constitution or by enactments of parliament.

When governance structures concentrate power on an individual, the people’s well-being becomes perilously dependent on that leader’s virtue. This reality underscores the proverbial demands for clarity, integrity and active justice (Pr 25:2, 4–5; 29:4, 12, 16). The call in Ghana to review the constitution and curb the ‘imperial president’ aligns with Niebuhr’s Christian realism, which insists on institutional checks and balances to restrain the inevitable tendency of power to corrupt (1932:4–11). However, this structural reform must be coupled with a robust vision of leadership responsibility. The World Alliance of Reformed Churches (2004), for instance, directly links bad governance to economic injustice, calling for leaders who defend the poor and uphold ecological integrity. Similarly, Catholic Social Teaching’s principle of subsidiarity cautions against over-centralised power while emphasising that authority must always be exercised for the common good (Pontifical Council for Justice and Peace 2024: para. 185–188). Therefore, while constitutional reform is crucial, it must be pursued alongside the cultivation of leaders who see their power not as a personal possession but as a sacred trust for communal flourishing.

Thirdly, the well-being of a society cannot be achieved when a segment of the society is neglected and ostracised. Good governance ensures that the vulnerability of any given community is given attention and treated with care and love. The sayings make clear the idea that all people should be treated fairly and that society’s resources should prioritise the weak and the poor. Proverbs 29:12, 14, and 16 caution the king to be weary of wicked officials in his court, to administer justice fairly, and promote the well-being of the poor. Ghana’s democratic system makes provisions for the well-being of the poor and marginalised in society. For instance, the passage of the Persons with Disability Act (Act 715) (Asante & Sasu 2015):

[W]as considered a noteworthy milestone in the country’s human rights discourse as it gave the hope that it will improve the life of PWDs to enable them be part of mainstream society. (p. 62)

However, many civil societies and scholars have pointed out that the continuous inefficiencies in governance makes the plight of the poor and vulnerable worse (Nwokolo 2023; Yeboah & Nyarko 2023).

Finally, within Israel’s monarchic governance structure, there was an appreciation for the active role of the people. Proverbs 29:2 discusses the rise of the righteous, who can be seen as citizens who act rightly to promote societal causes. This aligns with Nicholas Wolterstorff’s (1983:69–75) concept of shalom – a vision of public justice and flourishing that requires active citizen participation. In Ghana, this is demonstrated by churches and civil societies. Their role is not merely supplemental but essential, embodying what the World Alliance of Reformed Churches calls ‘covenanting for justice’. This civic righteousness serves as a crucial check on power, subduing the wicked (Pr 29:16) and operationalising the African communal ethic, articulated by Mbiti (1990:106), that ‘I am because we are’, thereby making societal progress a shared, accountable endeavour.

Acknowledgements

Competing interests

The author declares that no financial or personal relationships inappropriately influenced the writing of this article.

CRediT authorship contribution

Kojo Okyere: Conceptualisation, Formal analysis, Methodology, Resources, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing. The author confirms that this work is entirely their own, has reviewed the article, approved the final version for submission and publication, and takes full responsibility for the integrity of its findings.

Ethical considerations

This article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects.

Funding information

This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.

Data availability

Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.

Disclaimer

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and are the product of professional research. They do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated institution, funder, agency or that of the publisher. The author is responsible for this article’s results, findings, and content.

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Footnote

1. The Hebrew of the MT is difficult, thus several translations have been provided. I have adopted the RSV reading.



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